Last Sunday’s election delivered a pleasant surprise for DISY, AKEL and DIKO – and a very unpleasant one for EDEK, DEPA, the Greens and Volt, all of which were left outside parliament. DISY’s 27.1 per cent – a result not anticipated even by senior party figures – and its retention of first place, combined with AKEL’s simultaneous strengthening to 23.9 per cent, reshaped the political landscape.
Within this new environment, President of the Republic Nikos Christodoulides, who had hoped for very different results for certain parties, is now forced to recalibrate political balances. The outcome confirmed that Cypriot society is not ready for dramatic change or risky experimentation. Faced with fear and uncertainty – over the economy, security and stability – voters once again chose what they perceived as the least bad option.
The much‑discussed anti‑system “revolution” was postponed. At the same time, voters pushed two of the three governing parties out of parliament. Against this backdrop, discussion about the 2028 presidential election and potential new alliances has already begun.
Did the President win or lose?
Since his election in 2023, President Christodoulides has effectively been in continuous campaign mode for 2028. Ideally, he would have wanted DISY to record a lower result – around 21–22 per cent – so that a weakened party might be pressured into discussing entry into government and offering him official backing for a second term.
For this reason, Christodoulides encouraged pro‑Christodoulides DISY voters to shift towards ELAM. That strategy failed. ELAM’s final result of 10.9 per cent was lower than he would have preferred, despite quietly supporting him. He would also have wanted a weaker DIKO, and EDEK and DEPA inside parliament but politically contained – supportive of government legislation but without leverage or demands.
Instead, two of the three parties that backed his 2023 presidential bid emerged weakened and politically unstable. DIKO survived with 10 per cent and now has room to manoeuvre independently of the President. DISY – the party from which Christodoulides himself originated – remained the country’s strongest political force, despite the rupture caused by his candidacy three years ago.
For these reasons, Christodoulides is widely regarded as one of the losers of the parliamentary elections.
A step in mid‑air
Sunday’s result demonstrated that the President does not command a stable, disciplined political bloc behind him, despite his recent attempt to define an ‘ideological‑political framework’ for his presidency. Two of the three parties that supported his election in 2023 are now weakened. DIKO survived and can operate without him. DISY not only endured but re‑established itself as the dominant force on the Right.
Christodoulides was elected by directly challenging DISY’s leadership and constructing a broad alliance of centrists (DIKO, EDEK, DEPA), far‑right voters from ELAM and disaffected DISY supporters. His narrative was one of transcending party lines and creating a ‘new political reality’. The parliamentary elections, however, showed that DISY’s party machine survived and that the party remains the central pole of the Right.
Another reading
From this perspective, the President suffered an indirect political defeat. The result is a reminder that DISY did not collapse without him and that Annita Demetriou succeeded in stabilising the party after the shock of the 2023 presidential election.
There is, however, another interpretation. Christodoulides can argue that the absence of a dominant party ultimately strengthens him as a political arbiter. Without a unified front against him, he retains room for manoeuvre. Social fatigue and anger towards parties of power did not translate into a coherent alternative governing proposal. Protest formations and so‑called anti‑system parties remained marginal (ALMA 5.8 per cent, Direct Democracy 5.4 per cent), signalling frustration rather than a clear political direction.
This allows Christodoulides to continue projecting himself as someone who operates above party politics, a President not wholly dependent on any single party camp. Symbolically, he may have lost ground on the Right, but he retains significant institutional power.
Christodoulides-Demetriou relations
Relations between the President and the DISY leader are in a peculiar state: neither political enemies nor allies. The wound opened in 2023 has not healed, particularly among party figures who defected during the presidential election.
Despite periodic talk of ‘institutional cooperation’ and ‘constructive opposition’, relations are characterised by mistrust. Demetriou knows that Christodoulides still exerts influence among parts of the DISY base and certain senior figures who view his presidency favourably. At the same time, DISY’s leadership is determined to prevent any perception of political rapprochement that would blur its opposition profile.
The parliamentary result significantly strengthened Demetriou’s position inside the party. Retaining first place gives her greater autonomy from the Presidential Palace – and allows her to think seriously about 2028.
Nicos Anastasiades
Former President of the Republic Nicos Anastasiades, speaking to ANT1 the day after the elections, did not hide his satisfaction with the electoral outcome. Asked whether the conditions are now in place for DISY and its party leader to lay claim to the Presidency of the Republic, he said that a proper assessment of circumstances must first be carried out.
“What matters most is not ambition but the measured and very prudent management of both the result and the prospects ahead. In other words, we must not be led into adventures for the sake of personal ambitions. Of course, she has the right to seek the presidency, and of course she has the right to engage in consultations,” he added.
Asked whether DISY should align itself with the President of the Republic, Mr Anastasiades replied: “Nikos Christodoulides comes from the very heart of the party, therefore his philosophy does not differ from that of the Democratic Rally. At some point, bitterness must be overcome, emotions must be put aside, and we must act with prudence in such a way that, if and insofar as the collective party bodies continue to believe that the decision of constructive opposition is the correct one, it is exercised in a beneficial manner.”
Yiannis Karousos
DISY vice‑president – and head of the Famagusta District Local Government Organisation – Yiannis Karousos told Katerina Agapitou on Alpha on Friday that the most important achievement of these elections was that “we managed to bring our people back”.
“We have leadership, collective bodies and open arms for those who wish to return to the party,” he added. He stressed that the message is clear: “Those who are undermining, should stop,” while noting that the parliamentary election result is also a message for 2028.
DISY, Mr Karousos continued, will have its own candidate, who will be a party member and will be chosen by the entire party base, as stipulated by the party statutes. As regards the party’s relationship with the government, the DISY vice‑president said:
“By decision of our congress we are in opposition. Where we agree, we will commend and support; where we disagree, we will exercise constructive opposition. There is no question of cooperation or participation in government, neither now nor in 2028.”
Marking out the field
Since election day, Nikos Christodoulides has been marking out the political field by referring to ideological and political convergences and orientation. He believes that the Right‑wing bloc (DISY, DIKO, ELAM) could secure him the necessary parliamentary majority to pass legislation, in contrast to the Left‑wing bloc (AKEL, ALMA). Direct Democracy has not yet clearly signalled its positions.
At the same time, President Christodoulides understands that the DISY leader is gradually attempting to reorganise the party apparatus and return the party to a path towards power. Essentially, the two are locked into a forced coexistence of balance. An open confrontation would currently serve neither side.
For the President, a direct clash with DISY could lead to parliamentary deadlock and alienate a crucial segment of the centre‑right electorate he will need in 2028. For Annita Demetriou, a head‑on rupture would heighten fears of internal fragmentation and reignite intra‑party tensions.
Nevertheless, beneath the surface, a continuous battle for influence is unfolding. The President seeks to keep bridges open with DISY figures and former ministers from the Anastasiades administrations, while the DISY leadership is trying to prevent any image of political rapprochement that would blur its opposition profile.
The parliamentary election result clearly strengthened Annita Demetriou’s position within the party. Retaining first place means she now has a stronger political footing and greater autonomy vis‑à‑vis the Presidential Palace – and she can now seriously consider (and is doing so) the 2028 presidential elections.
Should DISY enter government?
The scenario of DISY joining the government resurfaces almost permanently in political back‑room discussions. There are current and former party figures who believe that the natural outcome of today’s political reality is some form of rapprochement between Christodoulides and DISY. They attempt to ‘tow’ the party towards the Presidential Palace using arguments such as: the President’s political origins in DISY; the fact that government policy largely occupies the Centre and Centre‑Right space (a continuation of the Anastasiades administrations); shared positions on the economy, foreign policy and European affairs; and the need for political stability in the face of geopolitical and economic challenges.
Nevertheless, at least for now, there is no realistic prospect of DISY formally joining the government. The main reason is political and strategic. DISY knows that entering a Christodoulides government would risk completely losing its distinct political identity. It would be extremely difficult to present itself in 2028 as an alternative governing option if it had previously co‑governed with the incumbent President.
Annita Demetriou appears to understand that the only way to keep the party on a path back to presidential power is to maintain clear political distance from the Presidential Palace, without adopting an extreme opposition stance. In addition, there are strong internal resistances. A significant part of the DISY base has never forgiven Christodoulides for the rupture of 2023. For many party supporters, returning to government cooperation would amount to political self‑cancellation.
Reshuffle?
There are indications that Nikos Christodoulides is considering a mini cabinet reshuffle during the summer – moving towards a more political and less technocratic government, refreshing the narrative leading to the presidential election, and delivering more visible government output.
The Minister of Agriculture, Rural Development and Environment, Maria Panayiotou, has already accepted an appointment in education from September and has been placed in a specific school. The Minister of Transport, Communications and Works, Alexis Vafeades, is considered among those high on the replacement list, as is Finance Minister Makis Keravnos, who was supposedly brought into government only ‘temporarily’.
Among those potentially entering government or the Presidential Palace is Christos Senekis of DIKO, who lost his parliamentary seat. However, the President must first decide what to do with the two parties that support him but were left out of parliament. Whether he will retain their ministers – in terms of both individuals and numbers – remains to be seen. EDEK and DEPA show no intention of leaving government, even though they acknowledge political wear from participation in governance.
DISY headquarters has made it clear that if any DISY official accepts a ministerial post offered by the President, the party will have no option but to expel them.
Looking ahead to 2028
Nikos Christodoulides knows that re‑election will not be easy. His central challenge is to transform himself from a ‘President of circumstance’ into a President with a coherent political base and a distinct political identity. To date, his strength rests primarily on a broad but heterogeneous social and party alliance.
To seek a second term with real prospects, he must either build a more stable political coalition around himself or once again secure the backing of major parties through new political agreements. The first scenario presupposes the creation of a broader ‘presidential space’ that transcends existing parties – something he has recently described as his ‘ideological‑political orientation’. The second scenario relies on repeating the 2023 strategy: broad alliances, centrist outreach and the use of personal popularity.
For now, the President appears to be pursuing a combination of both. He wants it all – to keep channels open with Centre parties, to avoid outright confrontation with DISY, and at the same time to cultivate a personal political brand that transcends party identities.
His biggest problem, however, is time. Citizens have already begun to judge not image but results: the economy, everyday life, migration, housing, energy policy and the Cyprus problem. The parliamentary elections therefore did not mark the end of a political cycle, but rather the continuation of a long pre‑election journey towards 2028 – a journey in which Nikos Christodoulides remains a strong player, but no longer dominant or beyond challenge.
